- Title: [SW News](The Republican) All You Wanted to Know About
Guelleh, His Fiefdom and the Mafiosi (Eye-talian/French/Russian/Arabs/Djiboutien...)
- Posted by/on:[AMJ][Tuesday, February 13, 2001]
Djibouti-
a safe heaven for international drug money laundering
Originally published
by the Republican, issue no 142 Vol 2, Dec 30, 2000
In
early July 1977 or two weeks before the former French colony of
Djibouti got its independence, the then French mayor of Djibouti city,
D. Ornano approached Hassan Gulaid Abtidoon, the man destined
to become the country’s first president, asking him to employ a Mr.
Romani as the President advisor for financial affairs. Romani who
happened to be the brother of D. Ornano’s Corsican wife lived in a
self-imposed exile in the pacific island of Tahiti, after
allegations that he was connected to both the Corsican and Italian
Mafia surfaced in France, compelling him to flee the country.
Immediately
after Djibouti became independent, President Gulaid complyingly
appointed Romani as his financial affairs counsellor.
With
that appointment, the Corsican and subsequently the Italian Mafia
gained a strong foothold in the Red Sea port state of Djibouti. In the
years that followed, the two Mafia branches were able, under Romani
direction, to establish a variety of businesses mainly in the sectors
of tourism (Bars, night clubs, hotels) liquor and tobacco trade,
narcotics, prostitution, marine transportation and construction.
Smuggling and trade of arms, international drug money laundering,
nuclear waste dumping and other activities were added later (in the
80s and 90s) to the list of already well-established illicit
businesses.
Some
of the ventures run by the Mafia include well-known spots in Djibouti
such as Stortit night club, Scottish Bar, Club Las Vegas and the
Sheraton Hotel Casino (managed until recently by two Mafiosi named Luhetti
and Pierre-Paul).
Before
his death in 1997, Romani had managed to expand the Mafia activities
in Djibouti, establishing ties with underworld groups in Tahiti, the
Indian ocean islands of Reunion, Seychelles and Madagascar in addition
to Corsica, Italy and Lebanon.
All
along, Djibouti provided the Mafia not only an obscure sanctury but
full protection as well. But it was Ismail Omer Ghelle,
(the powerful boss of the notorious secret police under president
Gulaid and currently the sitting president of Djibouti) who towards
the end of the seventies developed such close links with the Mafia
that he became a business partner in most of its syndicates in and
outside Djibouti.
Beginning
from the eighties and with Ghelle’s encouragement and patronage, the
Mafia moved easily into new business areas:
International
drug money laundering
Initially
most of money laundering operations were executed through Djibouti
Bank of the Middle East (DBME) which was actually established for
handling this kind of business. Partners in the DBME included some
Arab businessmen in addition to the Mafia. Ghelle called Roble
Olhaye, a close friend of his from childhood days in Dire-Dawa,
Ethiopia, to become the General Manager of the Bank in 1985. Like
Ismail Omer Ghelle, Olhaye was born in Ethiopia from an Essa-Mamaasan
tribe. After working in some shady business schemes he fled Ethiopia
shortly before Mengistu Haile Mariam’s revolution in 1974 to
Nairobi, Kenya.
During
his stay in Kenya, Olhaye became involved in illegal export of the
African elephant tusks through Djibouti. In Nairobi, he also did some
business with an international narcotics trafficking dealer. In 1986,
the Djibouti Bank of the Middle East was mysteriously declared
bankrupt and in 1987 Olhaye was appointed as Djibouti’s ambassador
to the UN, a job he still holds.
Another
Bank especially established for handling international drug money
laundering operations is “Djibouti Development Bank”, founded as a
joint venture by the Djibouti Mafia and some Russian emigrants living
in the US. The Russians were believed to be members of the powerful
Russian Mafia.
Olhaye
who owns one apartment in Manhattan, New York city, and another in
Washington DC regularly meets the Russians at either one of his two
homes.
Through
this Russian connection, Djibouti President Ghelle had arranged a
higher professional training at a private security accadamy in the US
for members of a Djiboutian special crack force that comes under his
direct supervision.
Recently
money laundering operations have been reorganized so as to be spread
across banks operating in Djibouti. But a significant part of the
business is carried out by a remittances firm run by a Djiboutian
business tycoon called Abdulla Taha Saeed.
The
money laundering techniques used by Djibouti Mafia connection, were
not necessarily highly sophisticated to erase the origin of the funds.
Djibouti’s geographical position, as an unknown nation snugly lying
in the Horn Africa region, where according to much of the world only
wars and famine persist, has played to the advantage of drug barons in
concealing their money laundering operations from international
efforts to expose them.
Drugs,
Guns and Liquor Smuggling
In
the last decade, Djibouti has become a focal point for smuggling heavy
drugs such as cocaine and liquor across the red sea to Saudi Arabia
and other Gulf states.
A
firm registered as a marine transportation company owned by the Monfreid
family, has been contracted by the Mafia to carryout these operations
out of Djibouti port.
Djibouti
airport has occasionally been used as a transit point for Europe-bound
narcotics and arms for the Hutu of Rwanda and lately for the “Transitory
government of Somalia”.
Toxic
waste Dumping
Since
the early nineties, the Italian Mafia which controls toxic waste
dumping in Italy and parts of Europe has shifted its dumping
operations at western coasts of Africa to the Red Sea coastal areas of
Djibouti and Somalia. On one account, highly toxic and radio-active
waste has been dumped at “Gubat-alkharab” and “Muluho” in the
Afar-inhabited coastal territory of Djibouti in 1992, 1993 and 1994.
The toxic waste disposal venture was jointly managed by Idrisis Omer
Ghelle (brother of President Ismail Omer Ghelle) who represented the
Djibouti Mafia and the Italians man in Djibouti, Mario Angelo. Both
men died later under mysterious circumstances.
After
reportedly contracting severe skin diseases and other unusual health
problems, the Afar coastal community (subsistent livestock herders and
fishermen) at Gubatal-kharab and Muluhu had to flee the area moving
in-land, apparently after exposure to effects of the waste dumped in
their localities.
Following
strong protests by Afar leaders, the dumping operations were since
moved to the high seas facing the western coast of Somaliland
(opposite the area between Zaila and Lughaya). The Italian Parliament
has recently began debating this issue.
Assassinations
allegedly carried out by
the Mafia on behalf of the Djibouti government
1.
Mohammed Idriss (Qaraf)-- Killed in 1991 while investigating the
assassination of three Essa men in Dire-Dawa during 1990.
Among
the 3 victims was Hamud Langadhe, a long-time leader of an
anti-Ethiopian insurgency movement whose members were drawn from Issa
clansmen living within border areas that fall across the demarcation
lines between Somaliland, Ethiopia and Djibouti. Hamud and the other
two men came to Dire-Dawa to declare allegiance to the SNM whose
guerrilla compaign against the government forces of dictator Siyad
Barre had entered its 9th year in early 1990. The Djibouti government,
which supported Siyad Barre, became angered by Hamud Langadhe’s move
and has been widely held as being behind the elimination.
Before
his death, Mohammed Idriss held the position of assistant director of
Djibouti’s secret security police. He personally directed the
investigation of the killing of Hamud Langadhe and his colleagues.
During
the investigation, Idriss found sufficient evidence incriminating
Ismail Omer Ghelle for masterminding the assassination operation.
Idriss started to talk.
Dr.
Mohammed Yassin
--- A pharmacologist who headed the state - owned medical Drugs
Agency. Was killed in 1994 after refusing to obey instructions by
Ismail Omer Ghelle, asking him to pay from Agency funds an amount of
money needed for hiring an assassination team to eliminate a prominent
Essa figure. The targeted man who was hitherto considered a Ghelle
confident had been accused of disclosing highly damaging secrets to
political adversaries.
Mario
Angelo
--- An Italian who arrived in Djibouti in 1978. Mario Angelo was
connected to the Italian Mafia and during 1992-1994, he worked with
Idriss Omer Ghelle on a project for dumping highly toxic waste along
the Red Sea coastal areas inhabited by the Afar people of Djibouti.
A
mutual suspicion of each other developed between Agnelo and his
Djiboutian counter-parts while the third and last phase of the project
was being implemented.
Then
at one night in 1994, Mario Angelo was killed infront of Ali Sabieh
Hotel in uptown Djibouti known by locals as “Guudka”.
Angelo’s
death came shortly after all the waste dumping operations had been
successfully carried out. It was widely believed that the timing was
not coincidental but
preplanned by the Djiboutian/Corsican Mafia connection.
Mafia
dominated businesses in Djibouti
Borre
Group
Ltd. -- Holding company of Abdirahman Borre’s business
establishments. A close tribal relative and childhood friend of
President Gelle (Essa, clan), Borre is said to be involved in almost
half of all the businesses that count in Djibouti that it has been
difficult to assess his activities which range from wholesale of
imported food material and construction engineering services to
general brokering and smuggling of gemstones and counterfeit
cigarettes. From an obscure small trader in the early nineties, Borre
had become a very wealthy and powerful man at high speed and with
little effort.
President
Ghelle is said to be a silent partner in most of his commercial and
trade activities.
His
regional business ties witnessed an incredibly tremendous expansion
during the last 5 years that they account now for over 60% of his
earnings. Borre controls through smuggling, most of the tobacco
cigarettes trade in eastern Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia.
His
ties with Mogadishu businessmen have substantially grown during the
last 3 years. With two of his business partners elected in August 2000
as president (Qassim Salad) and prime minister (Ali Galaydh)
of the newly formed transitional government of Somalia, Borre
has since taken big preparations to take a lion’s share of
expected reconstruction works in war devastated Somalia.
Qassim
Salad has already awarded Borre two lucrative contracts: printing of a
new Somalia Passport and a new Somalia bank notes. To finance these
awards and his future operations in Somalia, he recently paid up $8
million to became a major stake holder in Djibouti Sheraton Hotel only
to sell his shares soon after to a wealthy Saudi businessman of Yemeni
origin, called Amoudi (same owner of Adis-Abab Sheraton). Borre
also received a commission of one million dollar for pretensely
brokering in Sept. 2000, a deal between the Djibouti Port Authority
and the managers of Dubai Port International who have been contracted
to run the free trade zone at Djibouti port.
Borre
met some setbacks though specially after it had been established that
he was an accomplice in the corruption scandal that brought down
former Ethiopian prime minister Tamarat Leyn 4 years ago. As a
consequence, he was no more welcome in Ethiopia, though his cigarette
brands continued to be smuggled into eastern Ethiopia.
In
mid 2000, Puntland was prompted to outlaw Borre’s business
activities in the territories under it’s control following reports
that the business tycoon had been destabilizing the regional state in
eastern Somalia.
Borre
also overseas Ghelle’s secret bank accounts held with banks in
French Bolonesia, Seychelles, Lebanon and the UAE.
Marine
Transportation:
Owned by a French family well known for its involvement in arms
trade. Originally founded by Henry de Monfreid in mid 19th century.
Now run by two grandsons of Monfreid, the company is involved in the
smuggling of Hashish, Cocaine, liquor and Gemstones.
Abdulla
Taha Money Exchange & Remittances:
Owned by A. Taha, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin. Handles money
laundering for the Mafia. In this connection, President Ghelle deals
with Taha through a Mamaasan woman with the name of Maryan Ma’aan
who works as an executive secretary at Djibouti’s Presidency. Legal
counselling on money laundering is provided by a French man called
Martinet who holds two official titles: Legal Advisor to the President
and Chairman of Djibouti Bar Association.
Concore
Co:
A building contractors company. Major shareholders are Ismail Omer
Ghelle and Saeed Barkhad, Minister of Public works (Samaron-reer Nur)
Comad:
A shipping line agency owned by Saeed Sheik Osman, brother of Mahdi
Sheik Osman, commander of both the para-military police force, the
Gendermere, and the Presidential Guards.
Liban
Ismail Omer:
The 25 years old son of President Ghelle. Sole distributor of Isuzu
Vehicles. Since his father was elected president in April 1999, all
government departments were instructed to replace their motor
transport with Isuzu cars. As a result, Liban sold several hundred
Isuzu vehicles to government agencies.
Liban
also owns 35 large trucks used in transportation of goods to Ethiopia.
Among Liban’s business associates is. Patrick, the son of Romani.
Patrick runs a chain of night club including a one in Port Elizabeth,
Seychelles
Buh
Idriss Omer:
President Gelle’s nephew. Agent for a Sudanese land
transportation Co. Manages 150 trailer trucks for forwarding
Ethiopia-bound transit goods. Originally, the firm was co-founded by
Muse Shihem, an Afar and former Djibouti foreign minister. Shihem had
to relinquish his stake in the company in favor of Bush Idriss as a
result of intimidation.
He
is now Djibouti’s ambassador to Brussels. As a kind of compensation,
Shihem was given a plot of land that the company agreed to use as its
encampment site against a monthly rental of DJFr 500,000.
Most
of the trucks used by the company had been reported to be in bad
shape. No attention was given to constant complaints by the Ethiopians
about the inefficiency of the forwarding services.
Other
big business names on the Mafia connection:
-
Al-Ghamil women wear- owned by Abdulkarim Al-Ghamil, a Djiboutian of
Yemeni origin.
-
Saif Group - owned by Dahir Saeed Saif, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin.
A wheeler dealer with exclusive ownership of business services
-
Rubah contractors - owned by Ali Rubah, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin
who has monopoly over French army contracts.
-
Salim Al-Mudhi - Djiboutian of Yemeni origin who runs “pleasure
business”.
Who
is who in Djibouti’s Top Power Circle
Besides
exclusive ownership of so many shady business enterprises, the ruling
clique in Djibouti also enjoys a complete monopoly over political
power in the whole country. President Ismail Omer Ghelle, an Essa-
Mamaasan- ofcourse sits on the top of the power structure.
Long
before assuming the top position of Djibouti president in May 1999
(elected in April), Ghelle was declared by the-then Djibouti president
Hassan Gulaid Abtidoon as the undisputed heir apparent to the highest
government post in the country.
Although
Ghelle remains the most-and all powerful figure in Djibouti, the
following regime insiders (most of them close relatives) rank
politically among the most influential personalities in the
port-state.
2.
Hassan Saeed: Nicknamed
Hassan Madoobe. Mamaasan. Director general of the Security
Directorate, a state security apparatus consisting of three
departments independent of each other.
SDS
-- Specialized in domestic spying
RM
--- Military information service and counter intelligence
RG
--- General information services. Hassan Madoobe is one of the two
persons most trusted by president Ghelle.
3.
General Zakaria: Army
Chief of Staff, a Mamaasan. Was a lieutenant in the early nineties.
Promoted to General because of his close tribal connection to
president Ghelle. Together with Hassan Madoobe, Zakaria is among
Ghelle’s two most trusted aides.
4.
Col. Mahdi Sh Osman:
Commander of both the Presidential guards and the Gendarmarie
para-military police force. Belongs to the Mamaasan.
5.
Abdirahman Borre:
Business tycoon, childhood friend and frontman in business
circles for Ghelle. Over-all representative for Ghelle interests in
the Mafia connection. From the Essa clan.
6.
Col. Abdi Kahin: Commander of the Nagad maximum security prison -
site for torturing political prisoners. Mamaasan.
7.
Sherdoon Abbas: Chairman
of the High Court, the only member of the inner circle who is not
Mamaasan. He belongs to the Odohgob Essa sub-clan but his mother is
the aunt of Ismail Omer Ghelle.
8.
Col. Hassan Jama: A
Mamaasan Reer Egal. Formerly commander of Djibouti Air Force.
Currently in the Armed Forces combined command. Married to a sister of
Ismail O. Ghelle.
9.
Col. Omer Buh: Operation
officer in the Armed Forces combined command. From the Urweine Essa
sub-clan. Married to a sister of Ghelle
10.
Jama Haid: Governor of
Djibouti Central Bank, an Isaak, Habr Awal. Brother of Djibouti’s
first lady, Khadra Haid.
11.
Jama Ali Ghelle: Director
general of Djibouti Electricity power supply Agency. Mamaasan Reer
Egal.
12.
National Treasurer:
Mohammed Qumane, from the Essa Furlabe subclan.
Married
to the nephew of former president Hassan Gulaid.
13.
Abdulla Domaine: Director
general of Customs & Tariff Department, Reer Egal.
14.
Ahmed Dualle: General
Manager Djibouti Port Authority, Reer Egal.
15.
Dr. Saeed Sheik: Director general of the Medical Drugs Agency.
From the Mamaasan subclan.
16.
Director General of the Telecommunication corporation.
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