Posted on Banadir.com

Prepared By: Omar Ahmed , Dubai, UAE

Somalia was in an internecine civil war for the past ten years. And despite so many attempts failed to form a national government that can unite all the warring factions and the interminable mesh of clans and sub clans competing for power and recognition to be represented in the higher governmental institutions.

The latest attempt by Ismail Omar Gelle of Djibouti, which is in progress for the last four months, achieved the establishment of a Transitional National Assembly or parliament, who in turn elected a president. The newly elected president Mr. Abdulkassim Salad Hassan is not new in the political arena of Somalia.

He is a former minister in the regime of Siad Barre, who held many posts and was the last Minister of Interior of that regime. In exploring more about this man, who he is, what he stands for and if he is a potential leader who can deal the crisis in the country. Abdulkassim was born in Dusamareb, a small town in central Somalia and one of the most inhospitable areas in the whole country.

He is from a posturalist family. He is educated in Russia and as soon as he completed his studies he joined the revolutionary vanguards or revolutionary cadres of former dictator Siad Barre and quickly jumped up in the ladder by ingratiating his bosses. During his tenure in the former regime of Siad Barre, his acquaintances characterize him as an ideologue and strong believer of clan ideology and supporter of his sub clan at any cost and demonstrated his ultimate favoritism for his Ayr sub clan and unrelenting aversion to dissent.

He was a last minute loyalist and sycophant of Siad Barre and one of the last days of his regime, he described the USC (UNITED SOMALI CONGRESS) as a bunch of thugs and thieves. During the struggle of throwing the former dictatorial regime, he was indeed in-charge o the security of the country as Minister of Interior. In the early days of his political life, he was a socialist who dreamed the utopia of scientific socialism. He is not known as a visionary leader but an avenger who seeks a grip on power and deals with a firm hand on his foes.

Recently, he joined an Islamic sect known as AL-ISLAH in which he is a member and who strongly supported his election in Djibouti. AI-SLAH is an Islamic group, which is a liberal form of Islam. They are well organized and they recruit only educated and well-established personalities in their hierarchies. They control most of the education system in the country and numerous NGO's who are actively operating in the country.

They advocate peace and harmonious relations among the communities. They became influential and subtly were seeking to infiltrate the power of the country, which is exactly what they did by electing Abdulkassim. They demonstrate commendable tolerance towards women and ostensibly indicate in accommodating them.

He belongs to the Hawiye clan family, HabarGidir clan and Ayr sub clan. His sub clan inhabits the lower Mudug valley of Somalia. A very hostile environment in which the people are in a constant struggle in search of water and grazing for their livestock.

The only source of sustainability in there in subsistence level. They are also in perpetual conflict with their neighboring clans which made them either in the attack or in the defensive due to the arid land they live on which is in short of water and grazing land to share for their meager animal herds.

This merciless environment and the beseech of late notorious warlord General Aidid lured them to south of the country in large numbers to participate the looting and pillaging of properties in his ambitious war to capture the power. They occupied Mogadishu and the lower Shabelle regions of the country and thus acquired almost all government farms and properties in those regions and most privately owned farms to enrich themselves quickly and maintained their subjugation over the locals in these regions.

The influx of his clan in the southern regions of he country and their access to the wealth of the nation created the acquisition of lot of businesses by his fellow clans men. The prominent ones include a consortium of Ayr business men who made the counterfeit money in a number of occasions at least four times, making each time an equivalent of USD2.5-3.0 MILLION.

That means they illegally acquired USD10-12MILLION in the last year alone. The same group had connections to Mr. Abdirahman Booraa a businessman in Djabouti who arranges L.C.'s in Djabouti banks and shares jointly sugar deals brought to Somalia periodically. Mr. Booraa is well known in Djabouti for his arrogance and notoriety and is related to the president of Djabouti Mr. Ismail Omar Gelle.

He is the man behind the election of Abdulqasim as president and contributed significantly his campaign funds. Also, his fellow clans men are the owners of the two private TV stations in Mogadishu (Horn Afrik & Somali Television Network), Juba Airways is another recently founded carrier from Dubai to Mogadishu.

The major share holders of the under construction Coca-Cola factory and the major share holder of both Aerolite Telecommunications and Nation Link telephone companies are Ayr, the sub clan of the new president and the most these money is filth lucre acquired through the counterfeit money and other illegal and corrupt ways sponsored by the same group.

Even there is a strong suspicion that he is one of the share holders of these Mafia like group, since a number of his nephews are confirmed to be members of the group. His clan also maintains a formidable militia in Mogadishu and southern Somalia as far as Kismayo. The Ayr militias occupy most of South Mogadishu and the lower Shabelle region. They changed recently their loyalty from Salbalaar (the vague government of General Aidid) to the so-called Islamic courts, acquiring new appellation, Islamic brothers and protectors.

This Islamic court militia headed by colonel Hassan Dahir Awes, a well respected former military officer and Islamist who relatively contained the militia and reduced their public threat and their indiscriminate attacks on the public. He also rehabilitated a significant portion of the militia forcing them to abstain eating the Qat leaves and smoking drugs. Though other large portion is employed the by the novice riches of the clan and eventually stayed out of the streets.

The Ayr militia also controls the Balidogle airport (former military air base) located about 120 KM south west of Mogadishu. This airport is the gateway to Mogadishu and southern Somalia, which is being used by the cargo planes and passenger jets who could not use smaller airstrips. It is a source of quick cash for the occupying militias as they extort USD20-40 for all passengers coming or leaving the country.

They heavily charge for the cargo shipments and collect enormous landing fees. It is the airport being used still today for the export of female camels and the wild animals including lions, leopards, and all kinds of birds' even tortures and many others to the Arab World. The notorious former militia leader Farafadan died few months back of a cancer.

He was the most infamous militia thug born out the Ayr during their occupation in Banadir. He used to terrorize the locals and even small suspicion would have caused their lives. Since his death the airport is in power struggle between his lieutenants and its security gets out of hand in some occasions.

Another zone of occupation by the Ayr militia is the lower Shabelle region, the towns of Awdegle, Merka, and as far as Brave. All the commercial activities, employment and NGO's whether local or international are controlled and enjoyed by HabarGidir, mainly Ayr, while the locals are forced to pay taxes on what ever they possess and own let it food, farm, animals as well as other things. The courts that claim as protectors actually protect and condone the subjugation of the HabarGidir on the local people.

They receive a major financial support and training to hasten their settlement plan in the region from Ester Abdi Arush who practically controls all NGO's and UN agencies in the lower Shabelle region. She is the first women warlord and she controls some of the militia in the region. She extends assistance for the HabarGidir to remain in the area and supports them to establish themselves in the towns. She funds all kinds of smaller project from agriculture to fishers as well as trade, thus ensuring the settlement and the dominance of her sub-clan in these regions while she keeps the local people on the disadvantaged side and without concern of their plight. In Kismayo area a prominent force of the coalition who controls are Ayr and Merehan could not have managed in controlling that sprawling coastal city which is one of the most prosperous districts of Somalia without the Ayr militia.

They are the backbone of the coalition and they can even takeover the city if Abdulkassim gives them the permission and the necessary logistics. The coalition between the Ayr and the Merehan appears to be a marriage of convenience, as they are traditional adversaries in Mudug and according to the caprice nature of the Somali alliance system it can change as new leadership appears on the horizon.

The Hawiye coalition might deem essential for Abdulkassim to consolidate his power and that might turn the tide against the Merehan. As the government of Siad Barre was ousted and the armed groups occupied Mogadishu, Abdulkassim fled with his government and remained in Cairo for sometime.

When he ensured that the various factions who had taken over the power split into clan lines, he came back immediately and joined his clan's ambition for grabbing the power by force. He became a member of the HabarGidir central committee and he was always lustful of fitting in as opportunity arises, and it eventually did in Arta, Djibouti.

He never denounced the violence and the unwarranted aggression of General Aidid on the other clans and territories. He never denounced the occupation of Baidoa by his clan's militia and he was actually in support of all the expansionism of HabarGidir in the Southern and Central Somalia. So, I would say, where have you been Mr. Abdulkassim all these years, when your clan was tormenting the country? Or are you a newborn Muslim today.

So many of your fellow clans men did overtly denounced the aggressions and aimless wars engaged by General Aidid and the militia of HabarGidir including the notable General Galal, who would have been definitely better leader and more courageous in facing the mayhem in the country.

The man who raised his voice in the difficult days and responded to his conscience without appeasing the popular emotions of the moment will rather be rewarded than opportunists who hideout for the moments of truth and appear when they think their selfish interests can be achieved.

His election, despite appearing democratic on the surface, was mired with manifold allegations and all kinds of deals of bribery and promises behind the seen; as well as manipulations by Ismail Omar Gelle, the president of Djibouti. His primary supporters were, of course, his sub clan, who came in large numbers with a lot of intellectuals and provided a contribution of about half a million US dollar from the counterfeit money printed by his sub clan. AL-ISLAH had contributed about one hundred thousand US dollars and campaigned for him in the name of religious man in exploiting the traditional religious sentiments of the Somali people.

The third major force was the Djibouti government which contributed about four hundred thousand US dollars, through Abdirahman Booraa a business tycoon in Djibouti and friend of other Ayr business group (he is known the Hoosh of Djibouti) and created a milieu conducive to him by making the necessary propaganda campaign and even making deals for him to other personalities like Shatigudud, Hassan Abshir, Ali Khalif, Dr. Rajis etc. as well as other clans.

His election is worth about one million US dollar, in which most of it was spent on buying the votes by approaching the obviously broke and venal representatives. Other defects of the conference include the principal in which the parliament was established, which is on the basis of clan.

This notion is contrary to values of democracy and negates the concept of representation based on electoral and constituency, which is the basis of democracy. It is against the civilization and modern society and statehood. It created a total inequity among the clans and it gives some clans an unjust advantage while it reduces others to a negligible representation that is not proportional or equivalent to their estimation.

The other inconceivable fault, which is accepted in the conference, was the re-establishment of the eighteen tiny regions fabricated by Siad Barre, which is inspired by the allocation of all Darood sub clans to a region, so as to secure future domination. No territory should be granted a regional status unless it can sustain itself economically with sufficient population that deserves autonomous rule.

Somalia should be actually reduced to only five or six major provinces instead of these too many tiny regions that would never support themselves. The denial of the newly formed regional entities during the civil war such Puntaland and SomaliLand would be another challenge for the new government, which I would have accommodated as it is. In summary, Abdulkassim always showed propensity to dictatorial tendencies and is referred as cantankerous by former colleagues.

He is not spotless politician as he served under Dictator Siad Barre, as deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior. He already indicated that his government would comprise his cronies in the former government. His first choice as Prime Minister is Ali khalif a similarly former minister of Siad Barre and a man widely believed to have stolen huge sums of money from the Juba Sugar Project, while he was Minister of Industry and Trade.

Abdulkassim will face a daunting responsibility and how courageously he will deal with it remains to be seen. However, there is genuine suspicion, that he will not be honest in many issues of national concern, particularly, removing the militias of his sub clan from Mogadishu and lower Shabelle districts.

There is a serious fear that he may institutionalize the hegemony of his sub clan in these districts or remain connive as their illegal settlement continuous surreptitiously.

Overall, the return of the old political class in the reign of the country will bring back the old policies and the old style of governance, which is totally archaic and incongruous for the desires of the Somali people. There is still a genuine doubt that he will not be able to deliver the peace, stability, democracy, justice and good governance with accountability and transparency demanded by the Somali people today and tomorrow.

With the above mentioned peculiarities, Abdulkassim is betrayal to the Somali cause and what the people fought for all these years, simply because, he represents the old political establishment which stand for repression, oppression, corruption, nepotism, favoritism and clanism.

He represents the source of the Somali conflict and the demise of the Somali people and the curse in which we are all busy in resolving it today.