Country Team Workshop
on Sustaining Local Successor Initiatives
Hargeysa,
Somalia
Presentation
by Abdurahman A. Osman (Shuke)
Director,
Puntland Development Research Center
1.
Background.
a)
Historical
Overview
The history of the northeastern regions (Mudug, Nugal and Bari)
which are part of the recently created Puntland State of Somalia has
been dominated- over decades- by negative historical and political
events during the Twentieth Century. There existed a structure of
government beginning the early years of 19th Century: the
Sultanate of Majerteen (1809-1926) and Sultanate of Mudug/ Hobyo
(1885-1925). These sultanates, though primordial in political style
and state management, had, nonetheless, administrative and military
structures, which safeguarded Sultanates’ security and political
stability: a council of elders and a military force were in place to
operate political and security matters.
Taxation system, export of livestock and animal and
agricultural products, and import of consumer goods thrived in the
second half of the 19th Century and First Quarter of the
20th Century (Wayne
K.Durrel- Atrocious Misery: The African Origins of Famine in
Northern Somalia, 1839-1884, The Historical American Historical
Review, 1986).
Trade
and commercial relations existed between the sultanates and Indian
sub-continent and Arabian Peninsula where unregulated exchange of
goods (Export/import) flourished in both sides. As a result of this
contact with the outside world, marine communication
increased and owning of cargo dhows (wooden ships) by local
merchants for sea transportation of goods and people became
technological achievement. The construction of small fishing boats
locally had also increased the commercial fishing of sharks and
other marine products (dried fish) for export.
This allowed the coastal people to become seafarers who
developed trade and human relations with East-African countries (Zangibar,
Tanganika, Mombasa and towns of Southern Somalia-Mogadishu, Marka
and Kisimaayo) and western
shores of Indian subcontinent. Ships from Muscat, Aden, Bombay and
Karatchi docked at the
port of Bander Gassim (Boosaaso)
to take on livestock, gum incense and myrrh (Charles
Guillain: Documents sur l'histoire, 1843)
Encouraged
by the new commercial and trade opportunity in the south, the Sultan
sent an expedition to south to capture the town of Kisimayo in 1868.
Kismayo’s conquest became a turning point for the expansion of the
Sultanate’s trade in
the East Africa. For, Kismayo became a supplying station and trade
center for sultanate’s Dhows to and from East African shores. To
consolidate their trade and commercial interest, the two sultanates
established friendly
relation with the Omani Sultan of Zengibar who ruled also the
Benaadir coastal towns of Somalia and Mombasa.
b)
Colonial Conquest.
The
Italy’s conquest of the two Sultanates in 1925-1926 dismantled all
political structures that existed and replaced them with a fascist
administration. The economically flourishing towns and villages on
the coast Indian Ocean
were bombarded in 1925/26 by Italian battleships to subdue
peoples’ resistance and to destroy the economic and commercial
system.
The
colonial administration suspended livestock and frankincense export
to Arabia. Italian companies imported goods on big ships from Italy
via Mogadishu to almost all coastal towns of the northeast. This
policy had a devastating effect on the merchants and pastoralists’
economic and trades system, which in turn reduced the level of
household’s food security. Many coastal people were forced to
migrate to the country side where new administrative centers and
military garrisons had been established. While many independent
operators in the fishing
sector and pastoralists flocked to seek employment as laborers at
the Hafun (Xaafuun) Salt factory, which was built by an Italian
company in 1929 and later destroyed by British naval bombardment in
the Second World War-19941.
The
two Sultans and their families and relatives were forcibly deported
to Mogadishu to avoid internal resistance and rebellion in the
territory. The exiling of paramount chiefs to the south, and the
destruction of political
structures forced a large section of the population to migrate to
Mogadishu and beyond. As though this policy were not enough to
dissolve the system and deplete
the manpower strength of the Northern Regions, the Mussolini’s
fascist government had taken
further punitive action: conscription of more than 15,000
pastoralists to the Ethiopian War in 1934-1936 from these
regions. The war survivors settled southern regions (Bay, Bakool,
and Benaadir) which further emasculated the regions of their
manpower.
c)
Post-Sultanate Administrations:
The
successive administrations in the 20th Century- Italy's
Fascist Government 1925-1940, British Military Occupation 1941-1950,
UN Italian Trusteeship Administration 1950-19960, Somali Governments
1960-1990- did not allocate any meaningful development projects to
northern regions. As a consequence of this neglect, the peoples’
life remained stagnant with increased emigration rate to southern
regions. A cynical name given to these regions was “Gaariwaa”
which means “unreachable”. In fact, before the Military take
over in 1969, government civil servants that were transferred to
northeastern regions were given additional monthly allowance called
“hardship incentive” because of the regions ‘Gaariwaa’
status. Very often civil servants transfer to these regions was
considered to be a form of punishment.
Those
northerners who settled Benaadir
and beyond- including two Prime Ministers, 1960-1967--had
invested their effort in the southern regions for over a century,
and had lost, as time passed, the sense of belonging to ancestral
land.
Cyclical
droughts, environmental degradation
and water scarcity had reduced the coping capacity of the
pastoral population on whom economic production depended. These
political and environmental negative factors relegated the northern
regions to permanent underdevelopment and as a consequence
the people continued to
languish in permanent poverty.
The
first recorded major drought in these regions
took place in 1868 "
where a large
portion of inhabitants….died of starvation" (referred by
B.Miles: a British naval officer from Aden residency who visited the
NE in 1868).
2.
Impact of the Civil
War
The
dissolution of the Somali State in January 1991 has produced
unprecedented chaos and anarchy that fragmented the country into
clan-held enclaves. Mass migration of people to their original clan
territories has created political and security upheavals in all
regions of Somalia. The Northeastern regions (now Puntland) have
been flooded by displaced people, which dramatically changed the
demographic pattern both at urban and rural areas. The resources and
services were not sufficient to cope with the increased pressure of
the new comers’ need (Food, shelter, employment, health provision,
drinkable water, education service, etc). Thanks to the mutual
support system of the Somalia’s extended family, the internally
displaced people have survived the destitute conditions though
increased needs for more resources still preponderate.
While
the influx of the people to
Puntland made tremendous pressure on the available resources, it
has, nevertheless, contributed to economic growth through the
introduction of skills and capital, development of private
enterprise, improvement of social services by returned professionals
and- above all- people driven processes of peace-building and
development of political institutions (establishment of Puntland
State of Somalia [1998] as regional administration).
In
the first eight years of the Civil War a viable administration has
not been possible to be established . The Somali Salvation
Democratic Front-SSDF- was the only political entity that served the
regions in maintaining internal security and external defense (North
Mudug). Although the three regions (North Mudug, Nugal and Bari) had
each established a very weak, non-functioning administration in
their separate ways, yet the real
power rested with two competing elements: the clan elders who
assumed a greater political role after the state collapse and SSDF
leaders who claimed to wield the real power. They have painstakingly
succeeded to coexist in managing the political and security
situations that prevailed prior to the creation of Puntland State of
Somalia in July 1998. During this period they
faced two challenges: the Gaalkacyo war in 1991,1992 and
Ittihad clash with SSDF. Both challenges were successfully tackled
in favor of SSDF, which further raised its political and military
posture among the ordinary people.
However,
the dogged power struggle of SSDF leaders r (Qardho Conference 1995)
and the many failed Somalia’s peace conferences had frustrated
people and solicited their clan elders to intervene in the building
a new political structure other than SSDF.
Despite
these difficulties, the clan elders and SSDF leadership succeeded to
set aside their differences and called a general political platform
(May 1998) in which participants were drawn from all Harti Clans in
the area. The outcome of this was the creation of Puntland Sate of
Somalia as an autonomous region but an integral part of Somalia.
The
conference developed a transitional chart which established three
branches of Government: Legislative (Golaha Wakiilada), Executive (Golaha
Xukuumadda) and Judiciary (Hay’adda Garsoorka). The Executive
branch ‘s responsibilities are carried out by the Council of
Ministers headed by a President and 9 Ministers. Each Ministry has
its own administrative structure (offices) in all regions and
districts. The duration of the government mandate is three years
effective July 1998.
The
provisional chart stipulates a
number of democratic principles including decentralization of
political and administrative powers for local communities as
self-managing entities, but the current effort is mainly directed
towards maintaining law and order, curbing internal conflict and
forestalling external challenges.
The
creation of Puntland administration has brought about many benefits
which include: sustained security, elimination of militias by
integrating them into the
law enforcement institutions, strong political confidence of the
people, improvement of taxation and revenue system, modest provision
of services to communities, enhanced cooperation with international
community.
Despite
this modest achievement, Puntland is faced with political and
security challenges emanating from Sool and East Sanaag issue. Many
politicians from both regions are members of respective states
institutions (Somaliland and Puntland), and the population is
divided on the sovereignty issue.
It is important for the contending administrations
(Somaliland and Puntalnd) and the people of these regions to find a
peaceful solution to this issue. My preoccupation is that the
present status quo on the issue may evolve, without the intention of
either side, into internal conflict of the concerned communities.
Another security challenge may stem from Gaalkacyo town which
has been a bone of contention where the two communities (Habargidir
and Daarood fought fiercely in 1991, 1992. A peace agreement was
reached in 1993, but political hostility and security problems have
been continuing between the two communities for the past five years.
The solution of this matter is invariably linked with the general
settlement of the Somali conflict.
It
is in such a context and historical background that WSP Pilot
Project was implemented in Puntland (NE) and Puntland Development
Research Center (PDRC) was created as a local successor body
3.
WSP
Pilot Project in NE-Puntland : 1997-1999
Since
its inception in January 1997, the War-torn Societies Project has
accomplished the following programs:
1. A
preliminary survey on each of the three regions, i.e. Bari, Nugal and
North Mudug was conducted in a participatory action research (PAR) to
compile a profile from each region on various issues, such as political,
social, security and economic rebuilding. This process/ strategy
was called: Regional
Notes. A final report was produced on the survey
at a workshop held in Bosaso on March 15, 1998. Five Entry Points
were developed on Regulated Economy, Essential Services, Militia
Integration, Governance and Gender.
For each Entry Point three interactive/
participatory action research workshops were held at
different locations in the three regions, both at pastoral
and urban settings. A two-day final workshop for each Entry Point
was held to review content, format and style of the final research
document. The Working Groups were selected from those who participated
in the Entry Points workshops. In total more than 1,370 participants
from different categories and groups of people attended this
participatory Action Research process in 18 workshops. The Project
Staff held more than 25 meetings during the PAR. The outcome of
this Pilot Project was recognized by all stakeholders as a good research
product.
The WSP Pilot Project not only enhanced
understating of key, strategic issues in Puntland's
reconstruction and development,, it is also introduced an
innovative new forum for popular awareness of participation
in public policy issue.
The project closing meeting was held in Garowe, on 30th and 31st
of October, 1999 in which the representatives of stakeholders participated
including the President of Puntland State of Somalia, UNDP
Rep Somalia, the Director of War-torn Societies Project International
and USAID Office Somalia.
2- The Successor Body: PDRC
With the encouragement and support of WSP, a group
of partners in the research process thought of a more
permanent, local institution to rebuild upon the success
of WSP work and to promote popular participation in the
rebuilding process. With this common purpose in mind, they
came together to establish Puntland Development Research Center-PDRC.
Mandate
Assistance to the
communities and the government of the Puntland State of
Somalia in addressing the pressing problems of social, economic,
political and security nature through Participatory Action Research,
government and community collaboration, and developing locally
based information system.
Objectives
At local level, PDRC's objective is to direct its
activity to strengthen urban communities' capacity in the
rehabilitation and development activities, and to promote
dialogue between concerned groups and awareness raising of
the pastoral and nomadic population to access political and
democratic participation in the country's reconstruction
programs. This shall be effected through Participatory Action
Research conducted on interactive methodology.
At international level PDRC will establish and consolidate mutual relation
and partnership with War-torn Societies Project International,
donors and other interested institutions (international women
organizations, academic institutions, interested groups, Somalis in
Diaspora, etc.) through information sharing activities and cooperation.
WSP Aftermath.
The first paragraph of the Workshop's Discussion Paper outlines
the conditions necessary to establish a Successor Body. The
list of the prerequisites is quite exhaustive. While in
Somaliland WSP has established SCPD right away with full staff
on the ground, in Puntland the operation and the program conception
has been the other way round: A Pilot Project in which activities
were hastily carried out, it was an experimental research. Owing
to lack of fund, even befeore PDRC was instituted with a new director,
the project's core staff was disbanded, program budget ceased
and the operating expenses reduced to unsustainable level. The Puntland
Development Research Center was born under such an unfavorable
condition which frustrated the working groups' positive expectation
and PDRC's initial enthusiasm.
In the first four months, the new director was engaged to review
and complete the WSP Draft Papers which in turn slowed down
PDRC's speed to take off the ground. I am not blaming anyone
for the slow progress, I know WSP project has been
financially weak in the first half of this financial
year and could not reasonably provide us with sufficient
resource.
Despite these, some very important activities have been
accomplished which include:
- PDRC Statutes was established by the
Support Group/ De Facto Board;
- Presidential Decree was issued
recognizing PDRC as an independent, Non-profit making
organization with a tax-exempted status in the territory of
Puntland;
- Legal registration of PDRC with the Court;
- Obtaining government support through concession
of land and facilities on which to build PDRC's
future offices;
- Prepared work-plan and budget for the years
2000-2001 and circulated it to potential donors, Somalis in
the Diaspora and friends,
- With the help of WSP Nairobi, held the first
donor meeting for financial assistance in May 2000 though
fund has not been so far received;
- hired the Research Coordinator;
- Advertised for hiring two researchers
pending availability of fund
- Started developing Financial Management
procedures and staff regulations,
Depending on availability of fund, activities for
the coming 12 months will consist of three principal
elements:
1 Participatory Action
Research .
2. Strategic
Development Planning.
3. PDRC Institutional
Development
Sustainability of the Successor
Body: PDRC
Sustainability embraces many
indicators. They may include, among other things, the following:
- Permanent source of funding
- Resource mobilization from potential donors
(local, international)
- Sufficient qualified staff committed to
the program success
- Capacity to generate revenue from research
contracts
- Government blessing of the program (favorable
political environment)
- Program relevancy to development and
reconstruction;
- People's perception of the program (its
validity, benefit and coverage- horizontally and
vertically).
- Program effectiveness in contributing to social
change, democratic participation in governance at local and
central level;
- Scale of program's balancing between modern,
traditional and religious view of governance-temporary
accommodation of contradictions under one program. In this
case harmonization of the three institutions should be the
final goal. Scale of information networking with similar
institutions locally, international organizations and academia.
The list could go on.
How can we prepare such a base on which
to build a sustainable institution?
Which can we look for potential
source of support?
1. Community:
The
majority of the Puntlanders still staunchly believe that central
government should provide entire needed services, and be
responsible to decide on all matters that affect their political
and social life. The tenacity of this "dependence
syndrome" in the minds of the ordinary people genuinely
reflects the way colonial and post colonial administrations
monopolized political and management powers and barred citizens to
participate in decision making process both at urban and rural
settings.
2. Government:
The
government of Puntland, though
it had provided land and facilities to PDRC,
it has not come up with
assistance in cash contribution. It is understandable, because
Puntland administration has not, at this point in time, yet
acquired financial capacity and spare resource for local NGOs
programs. It seems, on the contrary , that local administrations
would expect development fund from NGOs both international
and local.
3.
Somalis in the Diaspora.
The
PDRC's profile, program and Plan of Action had been
circulated to many Puntlanders
in the Diaspora asking for contribution. The response was
just encouraging though sporadic, disconnected and often slow.
They are not well aware of the reality on the ground as they are
far off from Somalia. Furthermore, they should satisfy many
competing needs at the host country and
in Somalia (remittances for relatives)
4. International
Donors:
The
PAR based
and oriented program seem to many donors not achieving
direct benefit to
communities. The term "Research" still sounds to be
standing for , in many donors perception, as an
exercise leading to produce research report intended for
academics and international development actors alone without clear
benefit for grass-root level communities.
Yet, these donors are the ones we should rely for
sustaining PDRC, at least for the first five years of the
institution's life.
In conclusion, I would
say that no institution would be self-sustained/ or sustainable in
Puntland, or for that matter in any region of Somalia, if it is
not supported by donors and international
aid agencies for many years to come.
Abdurahman Abdulle Shuke
Director, PDRC